AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY
CHAPTER XXVIII
ENVER AGAIN MOVES FOR PEACE
FAREWELL TO THE SULTAN AND TO TURKEY
My failure to stop the destruction of the Armenians had made Turkey for me a
place of horror, and I found intolerable my further daily association. with men
who, however gracious and accommodating and good-natured they might have been to
the American Ambassador, were still reeking with the blood of nearly a million
human beings. Could I have done anything more, either for Americans, enemy
aliens, or the persecuted peoples of the empire, I would willingly have stayed.
The position of Americans and Europeans, however, had now become secure and, so
far as the subject peoples were concerned, I had reached the end of my
resources. Moreover, an event was approaching in the United States which, I
believed, would inevitably have the greatest influence upon the future of the
world and of democracy---the presidential campaign. I felt that there was
nothing so important in international politics as the reelection of President
Wilson. I could imagine no greater calamity, for the United States and the
world, than that the American nation should fail to indorse heartily this great
statesman. If I could substantially assist in Mr. Wilson's reelection, I
concluded that I could better serve my country at home at this juncture.
I had another practical reason for returning home, and that was to give the
President and the State Department, by word of mouth, such first-hand
information as I possessed on the European situation. It was especially
important to give them the latest side lights on the subject of peace. In the
latter part of 1915 and the early part of 1916 this was the uppermost topic in
Constantinople. Enver Pasha was constantly asking me to intercede with the
President to end the war. Several times he intimated that Turkey was war-weary
and that its salvation depended on getting an early peace. I have already
described the conditions that prevailed a few months after the outbreak of the
war, but, by the end of 1915, they were infinitely worse. When Turkey decided on
the deportation and massacre of her subject peoples, especially the Armenians
and Greeks, she had signed her own economic death warrant. These were the
people, as I have already said, who controlled her industries and her finances
and developed her agriculture, and the material consequences of this great
national crime now began to be everywhere apparent. The farms were lying
uncultivated and daily thousands of peasants were dying of starvation. As the
Armenians and Greeks were the largest taxpayers, their annihilation greatly
reduced the state revenues, and the fact that practically all Turkish ports were
blockaded had shut off customs collections. The mere statement that Turkey was
barely taking in money enough to pay the interest on her debt, to say nothing of
ordinary expenses and war expenses, gives a fair idea of her advanced degree of
exhaustion. In these facts Turkey had abundant reasons for desiring a speedy
peace.
Besides this, Enver and the ruling party feared a revolution, unless the war
quickly came to an end. As I wrote the State Department about this time, "These
men are willing to do almost anything to retain their power."
Still I did not take Enver's importunities for peace any too seriously. "Are you
speaking for yourself and your party in this matter," I asked him, "or do you
really speak for Germany also? I cannot submit a proposition from you unless the
Germans are back of you. Have you consulted them about this?"
"No," Enver replied, "but I know how they feel."
"That is not sufficient," I answered. "You had better communicate with them
directly through the German Embassy. I would not be willing to submit a
proposition that was not indorsed by all the Teutonic Allies."
Enver thought that it would be almost useless to discuss the matter with the
German Ambassador.
He said, however, that he was just leaving for Orsova, a town on the Hungarian
and Rumanian frontier, where he was to have a conference with Falkenhayn, at
that time the German Chief-of-Staff . Falkenhayn, said Enver, was the important
man; he would take up the question of peace with him.
"Why do you think that it is a good time to discuss peace now? " I asked.
"Because in two weeks we shall have completely annihilated Serbia. We think that
should put the Allies in a frame of mind to discuss peace. My visit to
Falkenhayn is to complete arrangements for the invasion of Egypt. In a very few
days we expect Greece to join us. We are already preparing tons of provisions
and fodder to send to Greece. And when we get Greece, of course, Rumania will
come in. When the Greeks and Rumanians join us, we shall have a million fresh
troops. We shall get all the guns and ammunition we need from Germany as soon as
the direct railroad is opened. All these things make it an excellent time for us
to take up the matter of peace."
I asked the Minister of War to talk the matter over with Falkenhayn at his
proposed interview, and report to me when he returned. In some way this
conversation came to the ears of the new German Ambassador, Graf
Wolf-Metternich, who immediately called to discuss the subject. He apparently
wished to impress upon me two things: that Germany would never surrender
Alsace-Lorraine, and that she would insist on the return of all her colonies. I
replied that it was apparently useless to discuss peace until England first had
won some great military victory.
"That may be so," replied the Graf, "but you can hardly expect that Germany
shall let England win such a victory merely to put her in a frame of mind to
consider peace. But I think that you are wrong. It is a mistake to say that
Great Britain has not already won great victories. I think that she has several
very substantial ones to her credit. Just consider what she has done. She has
established her unquestioned supremacy of the seas and driven off all German
commerce. She has not only not lost a foot of her own territory, but she has
gained enormous new domains. She has annexed Cyprus and Egypt and has conquered
all the German colonies. She is in possession of a considerable part of
Mesopotamia. How absurd .to say that England has gained nothing by the war!"
On December 1st, Enver came to the American Embassy and reported the results of
his interview with Falkenhayn. The German Chief-of-Staff had said that Germany
would very much like to discuss peace but that Germany could not state her terms
in advance, as such an action would be generally interpreted as a sign of
weakness. But one thing could be depended on; the Allies could obtain far more
favourable terms at that moment than at any future time. Enver told me that the
Germans would be willing to surrender all the territory they had taken from the
French and practically all of Belgium. But the one thing on which they had
definitely settled was the permanent dismemberment of Serbia. Not an acre of
Macedonia would be returned to Serbia and even parts of old Serbia would be
retained; that is, Serbia would become a much smaller country than she had been
before the Balkan wars, and, in fact, she would practically disappear as an
independent state. The meaning of all this was apparent, even then. Germany had
won the object for which she had really gone to war; a complete route from
Berlin to Constantinople and the East; part, and a good part, of the Pan-German
"Mittel Europa" had thus become an accomplished military fact. Apparently
Germany was willing to give up the overrun provinces of northern France and
Belgium, provided that the Entente would consent to her retention of these
conquests. The proposal which Falkenhayn made then did not materially differ
from that which Germany had put forward in the latter part of 1914. This
Enver-Falkenhayn interview, as reported to me, shows that it was no suddenly
conceived German plan, but that it has been Germany's scheme from the first.
In all this I saw no particular promise of an early peace. Yet I thought that I
should lay these facts before the President. I therefore applied to Washington
for a leave of absence, which was granted.
I had my farewell interview with Enver and Talaat on the thirteenth of January.
Both men were in their most delightful mood. Evidently both were turning over in
their minds, as was I, all the momentous events that had taken place in Turkey,
and in the world, since my first meeting with them two years before. Then Talaat
and Enver were merely desperate adventurers who had reached high position by
assassination and intrigue; their position was insecure, for at any moment
another revolution might plunge them into the obscurity from which they had
sprung. But now they were the unquestioned despots of the Ottoman Empire, the
allies of the then strongest military power in the world, the
conquerors---absurdly enough they so regarded themselves---of the British navy.
At this moment of their great triumph---the Allied expedition to the Dardanelles
had evacuated its positions only two weeks before---both Talaat and Enver
regarded their country again as a world power.
"I hear you are going home to spend a lot of money and reelect your President,"
said Talaat---this being a jocular reference to the fact that I was the Chairman
of the Finance Committee of the Democratic National Committee. "That's very
foolish; why don't you stay here and give it to Turkey? We need it more than
your people do."
"'But we hope you are coming back soon," he added, in the polite (and insincere)
manner of the oriental. You and we have really grown up together; you came here
about the same time that we took office and we don't know how we could ever get
so well acquainted with another man. We have grown fond of you, too. We have had
our differences, and pretty lively ones at times, but we have always found you
fair, and we respect American policy in Turkey as you have represented it. We
don't like to see you go, even for a few months."
I expressed my pleasure at these words.
"It's very nice to hear you talk that way," I answered. "Since you flatter me so
much, I know that you will be willing to promise me certain things. Since I have
you both here together this is my chance to put you on record. Will you treat
the people in my charge considerately, just the same as though I were here?"
"As to the American missionaries and colleges and schools," said Talaat---and
Enver assented----"we give you an absolute promise. They will not be molested in
the slightest degree, but can go on doing their work just the same as before.
Your mind can rest easy on that score."
"How about the British and French? " I asked.
"Oh, well," said Talaat, smiling, "we may have to have a little fun with them
now and then, but don't worry. We'll take good care of them."
And now for the last time I spoke on the subject that had rested so heavily on
my mind for many months. I feared that another appeal would be useless, but I
decided to make it.
"How about the Armenians?"
Talaat's geniality disappeared in an instant. His face hardened and the fire of
the beast lighted up his eyes once more.
What's the use of speaking about them?" he said, waving his hand. "We are
through with them. That's all over."
Such was my farewell with Talaat. "That's all over" were his last words to me.
The next day I had my farewell audience with the Sultan. He was the same
gracious, kindly old gentleman whom I had first met two years before. He
received me informally, in civilian European clothes, and asked me to sit down
with him. We talked for twenty minutes, and discussed among other things the
pleasant relations that prevailed between America and Turkey. He thanked me for
the interest which I had taken in his country and hoped that I would soon
return. Then he took up the question of war and peace.
"Every monarch naturally desires peace," he said. "None of us approves the
shedding of blood. But there are times when war seems unavoidable. We may wish
to settle our disputes amicably, but we cannot always do it. This seems to be
one of them. I told the British Ambassador that we did not wish to go to war
with his country. I tell you the same thing now. But Turkey had to defend her
rights. Russia attacked us; and naturally we had to defend ourselves. Thus the
war was not the result of any planning on our part; it was an act of Allah---it
was fate."
I expressed the hope that it might soon be over.
"Yes, we wish peace also," replied His Majesty. "But it must be a peace that
will guarantee the rights of our empire. I am sure that a civilized and
flourishing country like America wants peace, and she should exert all her
efforts to bring about a peace that shall be permanent."
One of the Sultan's statements at this interview left a lasting impression. This
was his assertion that "Russia attacked us." That the simple-minded old
gentleman believed this was apparent; it was also clear that he knew nothing of
the real facts---that Turkish warships, under German officers, had plunged
Turkey into the war by bombarding Russian seaports. Instead of telling him the
truth, the Young Turk leaders had foisted upon the Sultan this fiction of Russia
as the aggressor. The interview showed precisely to what extent the ostensible
ruler of Turkey was acquainted with the crucial facts in the government of his
own empire.
In our interview Talaat and Enver had not said their final farewells, telling me
that they would meet me at the station. A few minutes before the train started
Bedri came up, rather pale-faced and excited, and brought me their apologies.
"They cannot come," he said, "the Crown Prince has just committed suicide."
I knew the Crown Prince well and I had expected to have him as a fellow
passenger to Berlin; he had been about to make a trip to Germany, and his
special car was attached to this train. I had seen much of Youssouf Izzeddin; he
had several times invited me to call upon him, and we had spent many hours
talking over the United States and American institutions, in which subject he
had always displayed the keenest interest. Many times had he told me that he
would like to introduce certain American governmental ideas in Turkey. This
morning, when we were leaving for Berlin, the Crown Prince was found lying on
the floor in his villa, bathed in a pool of blood, with his arteries cut.
Youssouf was the son of Abdul-Aziz, Sultan from 1861 to 1876, who, gruesomely
enough, had ended his days by opening his arteries forty years before. The
circumstances surrounding the death of father and son were thus precisely the
same. The fact that Youssouf was strongly pro-Ally, that he had opposed Turkey's
participation in the war on Germany's side, and that he. was extremely
antagonistic to the Committee of Union and Progress gave rise to many
suspicions. I know nothing about the stories that now went from mouth to mouth,
and merely record that the official report on the death was that it was a case
of "suicide."
" On l'a suicidé!" (they have suicided him!), remarked a witty Frenchman, when
this verdict was reported.
This tragic announcement naturally cast a gloom over our party, as our train
pulled out of Constantinople, but the journey proved to be full of interest. I
was now on the famous Balkanzug, and this was only the second trip which it had
made to Berlin. My room was No. 13; several people came to look at it, telling
me that, on the outward trip, the train had been shot at, and a window of my
compartment broken.
Soon after we started I discovered that Admiral Usedom was one of my fellow
passengers. Usedom had had a distinguished career in the navy; among other
things he had been captain of the Hohenzollern, the Kaiser's yacht, and thus was
upon friendly terms with His Majesty. The last time I had seen Usedom was on my
visit to the Dardanelles, where he had been Inspector General of the Ottoman
defenses. As soon as we met again, the admiral began to talk about the abortive
Allied attack. He again made no secret of the fears which he had then
entertained that this attack would succeed.
"Several times," he said, " we thought that they were on the verge of getting
through. All of us down there were very much distressed and depressed over the
prospect. We owed much to the heroism of the Turks and their willingness to
sacrifice an unlimited number of human lives. It is all over now---that part of
our task is finished."
The Admiral thought that the British landing party had been badly prepared,
though he spoke admiringly of the skill with which the Allies had managed their
retreat. I also obtained further light on the German attitude toward. the
Armenian massacres. Usedom made no attempt to justify them; neither did he blame
the Turks. He discussed the whole thing calmly, dispassionately, merely as a
military problem, and one would never have guessed from his remarks that the
lives of a million human beings had been involved. He simply said that the
Armenians were in the way, that they were an obstacle to German success, and
that it had therefore been necessary to remove them, just like so much useless
lumber. He spoke about them as detachedly as one would speak about removing a
row of houses in order to bombard a city.
Poor Serbia! As our train sped through her devastated districts I had a picture
of what the war had meant to this brave little country. In the last two years
this nation had stood alone, practically unassisted by her allies, attempting to
stem the rush of Pan-German conquest, just as, for several centuries, she had
stood as a bulwark against the onslaughts of the Turks. And she had paid the
penalty. Many farms we passed were abandoned, overgrown with weeds and
neglected, and the buildings were frequently roofless and sometimes razed to the
ground. Whenever we crossed a stream we saw the remains of a dynamited bridge;
in all cases the Germans had built new ones to replace those which had been
destroyed. We saw many women and children, looking ragged and half starved, but
significantly we saw very few men, for all had either been killed or they were
in the ranks of Serbia's still existing and valiant little army. All this time
trains full of German soldiers were passing us or standing on the switches at
the stations where we slowed up, a sufficient explanation for all the misery and
devastation we saw on our way.
Continue >
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TABLE OF CONTENTS  Introduction
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Chapter IX
Chapter X
Chapter XI
Chapter XII
Chapter XIII
Chapter XIV
Chapter XV
Chapter XVI
Chapter XVII
Chapter XVIII
Chapter XIX
Chapter XX
Chapter XXI
Chapter XXII
Chapter XXIII
Chapter XXIV
Chapter XXV
Chapter XXVI
Chapter XXVII
Chapter XXVIII
Chapter XXIX
PLACE YOUR ORDER
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