AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY
CHAPTER XIV
WANGENHEIM AND THE BETHLEHEM STEEL COMPANY ---A HOLY WAR THAT WAS MADE IN
GERMANY
All this time I was increasing my knowledge of the modern German character, as
illustrated in Wangenheim. and his associates. In the early days of the war, the
Germans showed their most ingratiating side to Americans; as time went on, how
ever, and it became apparent that public opinion in the United States almost
unanimously supported the Allies, and that the Washington Administration would
not disregard the neutrality laws in order to promote Germany's interest, this
friendly attitude changed and became almost hostile.
The grievance to which the German Ambassador constantly returned with tiresome
iteration was the old familiar one---the sale of American ammunition to the
Allies. I hardly ever met him that he did not speak about it. He was constantly
asking me to write to President Wilson, urging him to declare an embargo; of
course, my contention that the commerce in munitions was entirely legitimate
made no impression. As the struggle at the Dardanelles became more intense,
Wangenheim's insistence on the subject of American ammunition grew. He asserted
that most of the shells used at the Dardanelles had been made in America and
that the United States was really waging war on Turkey.
One day, more angry than usual, he brought me a piece of shell. On it clearly
appeared the inscription "B.S.Co."
"Look at that!" he said. "I suppose you know what 'B.S.Co.' means? That is the
Bethlehem Steel Company! This will make the Turks furious. And remember that we
are going to hold the United States responsible for it. We are getting more and
more proof, and we are going to hold you to account for every death caused by
American shells. If you would only write home and make them stop selling
ammunition to our enemies, the war would be over very soon."
I made the usual defense, and called Wangenheim's attention to the fact that
Germany had sold munitions to Spain in the Spanish War, but all this was to no
purpose. All that Wangenheim saw was that American supplies formed an asset to
his enemy; the legalities of the situation did not interest him. Of course I
refused point blank to write to the President about the matter.
A few days afterward an article appeared in the Ikdam discussing Turkish and
American relations. This contribution, for the greater part, was extremely
complimentary to America; its real purpose, however, was to contrast the present
with the past, and to point out that our action in furnishing ammunition to
Turkey's enemies was hardly in accordance with the historic friendship between
the two countries. The whole thing was evidently written merely to get before
the Turkish people a statement almost parenthetically included in the final
paragraph. "According to the report of correspondents at the Dardanelles it
appears that most of the shells fired by the British and French during the last
bombardment were made in America."
At this time the German Embassy controlled the Ikdam, and was conducting it
entirely in the interest of German propaganda. A statement of this sort,
instilled into the minds of impressionable and fanatical Turks, might have the
most deplorable consequences. I therefore took the matter up immediately with
the man whom I regarded as chiefly responsible for the attack---the German
Ambassador.
At first Wangenheim asserted his innocence; he was as bland as a child in
protesting his ignorance of the whole affair. I called his attention to the fact
that the statements in the Ikdam were almost identically the same as those which
he had made to me a few days before; that the language in certain spots, indeed,
was almost a repetition of his own conversation.
"Either you wrote that article yourself," I said, or you called in the reporter
and gave him the leading ideas."
Wangenheim saw that there was no use in further denying the authorship.
"Well," he said, throwing back his head, "what are you going to do about it? "
This Tweed-like attitude rather nettled me and I resented it on the spot.
"I'll tell you what I am going to do about it," I replied, "and you know that I
will be able to carry out my threats. Either you stop stirring up anti-American
feeling in Turkey or I shall start a campaign of anti-German sentiment here.
"You know, Baron," I added, "that you Germans are skating on very thin ice in
this country. You know that the Turks don't love you any too well. In fact, you
know that Americans are more popular here than you are. Supposing that I go out,
tell the Turks how you are simply using them for your own benefit that you do
not really regard them as your allies, but merely as pawns in the game which you
are playing. Now, in stirring up anti-American feeling here you are touching my
softest spot. You are exposing our educational and religious institutions to the
attacks of the Turks. No one knows what they may do if they are persuaded that
their relatives are being shot down by American bullets. You stop this at once,
or in three weeks I will fill the whole of Turkey with animosity toward the
Germans. It will be a battle between us, and I am ready for it."
Wangenheim's attitude changed at once. He turned around, put his arm on my
shoulder, and assumed a most conciliatory, almost affectionate, manner.
"Come, let us be friends," he said. "I see that you are right about this. I see
that such attacks might injure your friends, the missionaries. I promise you
that they will be stopped."
From that day the Turkish press never made the slightest unfriendly allusion to
the United States. The abruptness with which the attacks ceased showed me that
the Germans had evidently extended to Turkey one of the most cherished
expedients of the Fatherland ---absolute government control of the press. But
when I think of the infamous plots which Wangenheim was instigating at that
moment, his objection to the use of a few American shells by English
battleships---if English battleships used any such shells, which I seriously
doubt---seems almost grotesque. In the early days Wangenheim had explained to me
one of Germany's main purposes in forcing Turkey into the conflict. He made this
explanation quietly and nonchalantly, as though it had been quite the most
ordinary matter in the world. Sitting in his office, puffing away at his big
black German cigar, he unfolded Germany's scheme to arouse the whole fanatical
Moslem world against the Christians. Germany had planned a real "holy war" as
one means of destroying English and French influence in the world. "Turkey
herself is not the really important matter," said Wangenheim. "Her army is a
small one, and we do not expect it to do very much. For the most part it will
act on the defensive. But the big thing is the Moslem world. If we can stir the
Mohammedans up against the English and Russians, we can force them to make
peace."
What Wangenheim. evidently meant by the "Big thing" became apparent on November
13th, when the Sultan issued his declaration of war; this declaration was really
an appeal for a Jihad, or a "Holy War" against the infidel. Soon afterward the
Sheik-ul-Islam published his proclamation, summoning the whole Moslem world to
arise and massacre their Christian oppressors. "Oh, Moslems!" concluded this
document. "Ye who are smitten with happiness and are on the verge of sacrificing
your life and your goods for the cause of right, and of braving perils, gather
now around the Imperial throne, obey the commands of the Almighty, who, in the
Koran, promises us bliss in this and in the next world; embrace ye the foot of
the Caliph's throne and know ye that the state is at war with Russia, England,
France, and their Allies, and that these are the enemies of Islam. The Chief of
the believers, the Caliph, invites you all as Moslems to join in the Holy War!"
The religious leaders read this proclamation to their assembled congregations in
the mosques; all the newspapers printed it conspicuously; it was spread
broadcast in all the countries which had large Mohammedan populations---India,
China, Persia, Egypt, Algiers, Tripoli, Morocco, and the like; in all these
places it was read to the assembled multitudes and the populace was exhorted to
obey the mandate. The Ikdam, the Turkish newspaper which had passed into German
ownership, was constantly inciting the masses. "The deeds of our enemies," wrote
this Turco-German editor, "have brought down the wrath of God. A gleam of hope
has appeared. All Mohammedans, young and old, men, women, and children, must
fulfil their duty so that the gleam may not fade away, but give light to us
forever. How many great things can be accomplished by the arms of vigorous men,
by the aid of others, of women and children! . . . The time for action has come.
We shall all have to fight with all our strength, with all our soul, with teeth
and nails, with all the sinews of our bodies and of our spirits. If we do it,
the deliverance of the subjected Mohammedan kingdoms is assured. Then, if God so
wills, we shall march unashamed by the side of our friends who send their
greetings to the Crescent. Allah is our aid and the Prophet is our support."
The Sultan's proclamation was an official public document, and dealt with the
proposed Holy War only in a general way, but about this same time a secret
pamphlet appeared which gave instructions to the faithful in more specific
terms. This paper was not read in the mosques; it was distributed stealthily in
all Mohammedan countries---India, Egypt, Morocco, Syria, and many others; and it
was significantly printed in Arabic, the language of the Koran. It was a lengthy
document---the English translation contains 10,000 words---full of quotations
from the Koran, and its style was frenzied in its appeal to racial and religious
hatred. It described a detailed plan of operations for the assassination and
extermination of all Christians---except those of German nationality. A few
extracts will fairly portray its spirit: "O people of the faith and O beloved
Moslems, consider, even though but for a brief moment, the present condition of
the Islamic world. For if you consider this but for a little you will weep long.
You will behold a bewildering state of affairs which will cause the tear to fall
and the fire of grief to blaze. You see the great country of India, which
contains hundreds of millions of Moslems, fallen, because of religious divisions
and weaknesses, into the grasp of the enemies of God, the infidel English. You
see forty, millions of Moslems in Java shackled by the chains of captivity and
of affliction under the rule of the Dutch, although these infidels are much
fewer in number than the faithful and do not enjoy a much higher civilization.
You see Egypt, Morocco, Tunis, Algeria, and the Sudan suffering the extremes of
pain and groaning in the grasp of the enemies of God and his apostle. You see
the vast country of Siberia and Turkestan and Khiva and Bokhara and the Caucasus
and the Crimea and Kazan and Ezferhan and Kosahastan, whose Moslem peoples
believe in the unity of God, ground under the feet of their oppressors, who are
the enemies already of our religion. You behold Persia being prepared for
partition and you see the city of the Caliphate, which for ages has unceasingly
fought breast to breast with the enemies of our religion, now become the target
for oppression and violence. Thus wherever you look you see that the enemies of
the true religion, particularly the English, the Russian, and the French, have
oppressed Islam and invaded its rights in every possible way. We cannot
enumerate the insults we have received at the hands of these nations who desire
totally to destroy Islam and drive all Mohammedans off the face of the earth.
This tyranny has passed all endurable limits; the cup of our oppression is full
to overflowing. . . . In brief, the Moslems work and the infidels eat; the
Moslems are hungry and suffer and the infidels gorge themselves and live in
luxury. The world of Islam sinks down and goes backward, and the Christian world
goes forward and is more and more exalted. The Moslems are enslaved and the
infidels are the great rulers. This is all because the Moslems have abandoned
the plan set forth in the Koran and ignored the Holy War which it commands. . .
. But the time has now come for the Holy War, and by this the land of Islam
shall be forever freed from the power of the infidels who oppress it. This holy
war has now become a sacred duty. Know ye that the blood of infidels in the
Islamic lands may be shed with impunity---except those to whom the Moslem power
has promised security and who are allied with it. [Herein we find that Germans
and Austrians are excepted from massacre.] The killing of -infidels who rule
over Islam has become a sacred duty, whether you do it secretly or openly, as
the Koran has decreed: 'Take them and kill them whenever you find them. Behold
we have delivered them unto your hands and given you supreme power over them.'
He who kills even one unbeliever of those who rule over us, whether he does it
secretly or openly, shall be rewarded by God. And let every Moslem, in whatever
part of the world he may be, swear a solemn oath to kill at least three or four
of the infidels who rule over him, for they are the enemies of God and of the
faith. Let every Moslem know that his reward for doing so shall be doubled by
the God who created heaven and earth. A Moslem who does this shall be saved from
the terrors of the day of Judgment, of the resurrection of the dead. Who is the
man who can refuse such a recompense for such a small deed? . . . Yet the time
has come that we should rise up as the rising of one man, in one hand a sword,
in the other a gun, in his pocket balls of fire and death-dealing missiles, and
in his heart the light of the faith, and that we should lift up our voices,
saying India for the Indian Moslems, Java for the Javanese Moslems, Algeria for
the Algerian Moslems, Morocco for the Moroccan Moslems, Tunis for the Tunisan
Moslems, Egypt for the Egyptian Moslems, Iran for the Iranian Moslems, Turan for
the Turanian Moslems, Bokhara for the Bokharan Moslems, Caucasus for the
Caucasian Moslems, and the Ottoman Empire for the Ottoman Turks and Arabs."
Specific instructions for carrying out this holy purpose follow. There shall be
a "heart war "---every follower of the Prophet, that is, shall constantly
nourish in his spirit a hatred of the infidel; a "speech war" with tongue and
pen every Moslem shall spread this same hatred wherever Mohammedans live; and a
war of deed-fighting and killing the infidel wherever he shows his head. This
latter conflict, says the pamphlet, is the "true war." There is to be a "little
holy war" and a "great holy war"; the first describes the battle which every
Mohammedan is to wage in his community against his Christian neighbours, and the
second is the great world struggle which united Islam, in India, Arabia, Turkey,
Africa, and other countries is to wage against the infidel oppressors. "The Holy
War," says the pamphlet, " will be of three forms. First, the individual war,
which consists of the individual personal deed. This may be carried on with
cutting, killing instruments, like the holy war which one of the faithful made
against Peter Galy, the infidel English governor, like the slaying of the
English chief of police in India, and like the killing of one of the officials
arriving in Mecca by Abi Busir (may God be pleased with him)." The document
gives several other instances of assassination which the faithful are enjoined
to imitate. Second, the believers are told to organize "bands," and to go forth
and slay Christians. The most useful are those organized and operating in
secret. "It is hoped that the Islamic world of to-day will profit very greatly
from such secret bands." The third method is by "organized campaigns," that is,
by trained armies.
In all parts of this incentive to murder and assassination there are indications
that a German hand has exercised an editorial supervision. Only those infidels
are to be slain, "who rule over us "---that is, those who have Mohammedan
subjects. As Germany has no such subjects, this saving clause was expected to
protect Germans from assault. The Germans, with their usual interest in their
own well-being and their usual disregard of their ally, evidently overlooked the
fact that Austria had many Mohammedan subjects in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Moslems are instructed that they should form armies, " even though it may be
necessary to introduce some foreign elements "---that is, bring in German
instructors and German officers. "You must remember "---this is evidently
intended as a blanket protection to Germans everywhere-- "that it is absolutely
unlawful to oppose any of the peoples of other religions between whom and the
Moslems there is a covenant or of those who have not manifested hostility to the
seat of the Caliphate or those who have entered under the protection of the
Moslems."
Even though I had not had Wangenheim's personal statement that the Germans
intended to arouse the Mohammedans everywhere against England, France, and
Russia, these interpolations would clearly enough have indicated the real
inspiration of this amazing document. At the time Wangenheim discussed the
matter with me, his chief idea seemed to be that a "holy war" of this sort would
be the quickest means of forcing England to make peace. According to this point
of view, it was really a great peace offensive. At that time Wangenheim.
reflected the conviction, which was prevalent in all official circles, that
Germany had made a mistake in bringing England into the conflict, and it was
evidently his idea now that if back fires could be started against England in
India, Egypt, the Sudan, and other places, the British Empire would withdraw.
Even if British Mohammedans refused to rise, Wangenheim. believed that the mere
threat of such an uprising would induce England to abandon Belgium and France to
their fate. The danger of spreading such incendiary literature among a wildly
fanatical people is apparent. I was not the only neutral diplomat who feared the
most serious consequences. M. Tocheff, the Bulgarian Minister, one of the ablest
members of the diplomatic corps, was much disturbed. At that time Bulgaria was
neutral, and M. Tocheff used to tell me that his country hoped to maintain this
neutrality. Each side, he said, expected that Bulgaria would become its ally,
and it was Bulgaria's policy to keep each side in this expectant frame of mind.
Should Germany succeed in starting a "Holy War " and should massacres result,
Bulgaria, added M. Tocheff, would certainly join forces with the Entente.
We arranged that he should call upon Wangenheim and repeat this statement, and
that I should bring similar pressure to bear upon Enver. From the first,
however, the Holy War proved a failure. The Mohammedans of such countries as
India, Egypt, Algiers, and Morocco knew that they were getting far better
treatment than they could obtain under any other conceivable conditions.
Moreover, the simple-minded Mohammedans could not understand why they should
prosecute a holy war against Christians and at the same time have Christian
nations, such as Germany and Austria, as their partners. This association made
the whole proposition ridiculous. The Koran, it is true, commands the slaughter
of Christians, but that sacred volume makes no exception in favour of the
Germans and, in the mind of the fanatical Mohammedan, a German rayah is as much
Christian dirt as an Englishman or a Frenchman, and his massacre is just as
meritorious an act. The fine distinctions necessitated by European diplomacy he
understands about as completely as he understands the law of gravitation or the
nebular hypothesis. The German failure to take this into account is only another
evidence of the fundamental German clumsiness and real ignorance of racial
psychology. The only tangible fact that stands out clearly is the Kaiser's
desire to let loose 300,000,000 Mohammedans in a gigantic St. Bartholomew
massacre of Christians.
Was there then no "holy war" at all? Did Wangenheim's "Big Thing" really fail?
Whenever I think of this burlesque Jihad a particular scene in the American
Embassy comes to my mind. On one side of the table sits Enver, most peacefully
sipping tea and eating cakes, and on the other side is myself, engaged in the
same unwarlike occupation. It is November 14th, the day after the Sultan has
declared his holy war; there have been meetings at the mosques and other places,
at which the declaration has been read and fiery speeches made. Enver now
assures me that absolutely no harm will come to Americans; in fact, that there
will be no massacres anyway. While he is talking, one of my secretaries comes in
and tells me that a little mob is making demonstrations against certain foreign
establishments. It has assailed an Austrian shop which has unwisely kept up its
sign saying that it has "English clothes" for sale. I ask Enver what this means;
he answers that it is all a mistake; there is no intention of attacking anybody.
A little while after he leaves I am informed that the mob has attacked the Bon
Marché, a French dry-goods store, and is heading directly for the British
Embassy. I at once call Enver on the telephone; it is all right, he says,
nothing will happen to the embassy. A minute or two after, the mob immediately
wheels about and starts for Tokatlian's, the most important restaurant in
Constantinople.
The fact that this is conducted by an Armenian makes it fair game. Six men who
have poles, with hooks at the end, break all the mirrors and windows, others
take the marble tops of the tables and smash them to bits. In a few minutes the
place has been completely gutted.
This demonstration comprised the "Holy War," so far as Constantinople understood
it. Such was the inglorious end of Germany's attempt to arouse 300,000,000
Mohammedans against the Christian world! Only one definite result did the Kaiser
accomplish by spreading this inciting literature. It aroused in the Mohammedan
soul all that intense animosity toward the Christian which is the fundamental
fact in his strange emotional nature, and thus started passions aflame that
afterward spent themselves in the massacres of the Armenians and other subject
peoples.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction Chapter I Chapter II Chapter III Chapter IV Chapter V Chapter VI Chapter VII Chapter VIII Chapter IX Chapter X Chapter XI Chapter XII Chapter XIII Chapter XIV Chapter XV Chapter XVI Chapter XVII Chapter XVIII Chapter XIX Chapter XX Chapter XXI Chapter XXII Chapter XXIII Chapter XXIV Chapter XXV Chapter XXVI Chapter XXVII Chapter XXVIII Chapter XXIX
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