AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY
CHAPTER X
TURKEY'S ABROGATION OF THE CAPITULATIONS---ENVER LIVING IN A PALACE, WITH PLENTY
OF MONEY AND AN IMPERIAL BRIDE
Another question, which had been under discussion for several months, now became
involved in the Turkish international situation. That was the matter of the
capitulations. These were the treaty rights which for centuries had regulated
the position of foreigners in the Turkish Empire. Turkey had never been admitted
to a complete equality with European nations, and in reality she had never been
an independent sovereignty. The Sultan's laws and customs differed so radically
from those of Europe and America that no non-Moslem country could think of
submitting its citizens in Turkey to them. In many matters, therefore, the
principle of ex-territoriality had always prevailed in favour of all citizens or
subjects of countries enjoying capitulatory rights. Almost all European
countries, as well as the United States, for centuries had had their own
consular courts and prisons in which they tried and punished crimes which their
nationals committed in Turkey. We all had our schools, which were subject, not
to Turkish law and protection, but to that of the country which maintained them.
Thus Robert College and the. Constantinople College for Women, those wonderful
institutions which American philanthropy has erected on the Bosphorus, as well
as hundreds of American religious, charitable, and educational institutions,
practically stood on American territory and looked upon the American Embassy as
their guardian. Several nations had their own post offices, as they did not care
to submit their mail to the Ottoman postal service. Turkey likewise did not have
unlimited power of taxation over foreigners. It could not even increase their
customs taxes without the consent of the foreign powers. In 1914 it could impose
only 11 per cent. in tariff dues, and was attempting to secure the right to
increase the amount to 14. We have always regarded England as the only
free-trade country, overlooking the fact that this limitation in Turkey's
customs dues had practically made the Ottoman Empire an unwilling follower of
Cobden. Turkey was thus prohibited by the Powers from developing any industries
of her own; instead, she was forced to take large quantities of inferior
articles from Europe. Against these restrictions Turkish statesmen had protested
for years, declaring that they constituted an insult to their pride as a nation
and also interfered with their progress. However, the agreement was a bi-lateral
one, and Turkey could not change it without the consent of all the contracting
powers. Yet certainly the present moment, when both the Entente and the Central
Powers were cultivating Turkey, served to furnish a valuable opportunity to make
the change. And so, as soon as the Germans had begun their march toward Paris,
the air was filled with reports that Turkey intended to abrogate the
capitulations. Rumour said that Germany had consented, as part of the
consideration for Turkish aid in the war, and that England had agreed to the
abrogation, as part of her payment for Turkish neutrality. Neither of these
reports was true. What was manifest, however, was the panic which the mere
suggestion of abrogation produced on the foreign population. The idea of
becoming subject to the Turkish laws and perhaps being thrown into Turkish
prisons made their flesh creep---and with good reason.
About this time I had a long conference with Enver. He asked me to call at his
residence, as he was laid up with an infected toe, the result of a surgical
operation. I thus had an illuminating glimpse of the Minister of War en famille.
Certainly this humble man of the people had risen in the world. His house, which
was in one of the quietest and most aristocratic parts of the city, was a
splendid old building, very large and very elaborate. I was ushered through a
series of four or five halls, and as I went by one door the Imperial Princess,
Enver's wife, slightly opened it and peeked through at me. Farther on another
Turkish lady opened her door and also obtained a fleeting glimpse of the
Ambassadorial figure. I was finally escorted into a beautiful room in which
Enver lay reclining on a semi-sofa. He had on a long silk dressing gown and his
stockinged feet hung languidly over the edge of the divan. He looked much
younger than in his uniform; he was an extremely neat and well-groomed object,
with a pale, smooth face, made even more striking by his black hair, and with
delicate white hands, and long, tapering fingers. He might easily have passed
for under thirty, and, in fact, he was not much over that age. He had at hand a
violin, and a piano near by also testified to his musical taste. The room was
splendidly tapestried; perhaps its most conspicuous feature was a da s upon
which stood a golden chair; this was the marriage throne of Enver's imperial
wife. As I glanced around at all this luxury, I must admit that a few
uncharitable thoughts came to mind and that I could not help pondering a
question which was then being generally asked in Constantinople. Where did Enver
get the money for this expensive establishment? He had no fortune of his
own---his parents had been wretchedly poor, and his salary as a cabinet minister
was only about $8,000. His wife had a moderate allowance as an imperial
princess, but she had no private resources. Enver had never engaged in business,
he had been a revolutionist, military leader, and politician all his life. But
here he was living at a rate that demanded a very large income. In other ways
Enver was giving evidences of great and sudden prosperity, and already I had
heard much of his investments in real estate, which were the talk of the town.
Enver wished to discuss the capitulations. He practically said that the Cabinet
had decided on the abrogation, and he wished to know the attitude of the United
States. He added that certainly a country which had fought for its independence
as we had would sympathize with Turkey's attempt to shake off these shackles. We
had helped Japan free herself from similar burdens and wouldn't we now help
Turkey? Certainly Turkey was as civilized a nation as Japan?
I answered that I thought that the United States might consent to abandon the
capitulations in so far as they were economic. It was my opinion that Turkey
should control her customs duties and be permitted to levy the same taxes on
foreigners as on her own citizens. So long as the Turkish courts and Turkish
prisons maintained their present standards, however, we could never agree to
give up the judicial capitulations. Turkey should reform the abuses of her
courts; then, after they had established European ideas in the administration of
justice, the matter could be discussed. Enver replied that Turkey would be
willing to have mixed tribunals and to have the United States designate some of
the judges, but I suggested that, inasmuch as American judges did not know the
Turkish language or Turkish law, his scheme involved great practical
difficulties. I also told him that the American schools and colleges were very
dear to Americans, and that we would never consent to subjecting them to Turkish
jurisdiction.
Despite the protests of all the ambassadors, the Cabinet issued its notification
that the capitulations would be abrogated on October 1st. This abrogation was
all a part of the Young Turks' plan to free themselves from foreign tutelage and
to create a new country on the basis of "Turkey for the Turks." It represented,
as I shall show, what was the central point of Turkish policy, not only in the
empire's relations to foreign powers, but to her subject peoples. England's
position on this question was about the same as our own; the British Government
would consent to the modification of the economic restrictions, but not the
others. Wangenheim, was greatly disturbed, and I think that his foreign office
reprimanded him for letting the abrogation take place, because he blandly asked
me to announce that I was the responsible person! As October 1st approached, the
foreigners in Turkey were in a high state of apprehension. The Dardanelles had
been closed, shutting them off from Europe, and now they felt that they were to
be left to the mercy of Turkish courts and Turkish prisons. Inasmuch as it was
the habit in Turkish prisons to herd the innocent with the guilty, and to place
in the same room with murderers, people who had been charged, with minor
offenses, but not convicted of them, and to bastinado recalcitrant witnesses,
the fears of the foreign residents may well be imagined. The educational
institutions were also apprehensive, and in their interest I now appealed to
Enver. He assured me that the Turks had no hostile intention toward Americans. I
replied that he should show in unmistakable fashion that Americans would not be
harmed.
"All right," he answered. "What would you suggest?"
"Why not ostentatiously visit Robert College on October 1st, the day the
capitulations are abrogated?" I said.
The idea was rather a unique one, for in all the history of this institution an
important Turkish official had never entered its doors. But I knew enough of the
Turkish character to understand that an open, ceremonious visit by Enver would
cause a public sensation. News of it would reach the farthest limits of the
Turkish Empire, and it was certain that the Turks would interpret it as meaning
that one of the two most powerful men in Turkey had taken this and other
American institutions under his patronage. Such a visit would exercise a greater
protective influence over American colleges and schools in Turkey than an army
corps. I was therefore greatly pleased when Enver promptly adopted my
suggestion.
On the day that the capitulations were abrogated, Enver appeared at the American
Embassy with two autos, one for himself and me, and the other for his adjutants,
all of whom were dressed in full uniform I was pleased that Enver had made the
proceeding so spectacular, for I wished it to have the widest publicity. On the
ride up to the college I told Enver all about these American institutions and
what they were doing for Turkey. He really knew very little about them, and,
like most Turks, he half suspected that they concealed a political purpose.
"We Americans are not looking for material advantages in Turkey," I said. "We
merely demand that you treat kindly our children, these colleges, for which all
the people in the United States have the warmest affection."
I told him that Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge, President of the trustees of Robert
College, and Mr. Charles R. Crane, President of the trustees of the Women's
College, were intimate friends of President Wilson. "These," I added, "represent
what is best in America and the fine altruistic spirit which in our country
accumulates wealth and then uses it to found colleges and schools. In
establishing these institutions in Turkey they are trying, not to convert your
people to Christianity, but to help train them in the sciences and arts and so
prepare to make them better citizens. Americans feel that the Bible lands have
given them their religion and they wish to repay with the best thing America has
---its education." I then told him about Mrs. Russell Sage and Miss Helen Gould,
who had made large gifts to the Women's College.
"But where do these people get all the money for such benefactions?" Enver
asked.
I then entertained him for an hour or so with a few pages from our own "American
Nights." I told him how Jay Gould had arrived in New York, a penniless and
ragged boy, with a mousetrap which he had invented, "and how he had died, almost
thirty years afterward, leaving a fortune of about $100,000,000. I told him how
Commodore Vanderbilt had started life as a ferryman and had become America's
greatest railroad "magnate"; how Rockefeller had begun his career sitting on a
high stool in a Cleveland commission house, earning six dollars a week, and had
created the greatest fortune that had ever been accumulated by a single man in
the world's history. I told him how the Dodges had become our great "copper
kings" and the Cranes our great manufacturers of iron pipe. Enver found these
stories more thrilling than any that had ever come out of Bagdad, and I found
afterward that he had retold them so frequently that they had reached almost all
the important people in Constantinople.
Enver was immensely impressed also by what I said about the American
institutions. He went through all the buildings and expressed his enthusiasm at
everything he saw, and he even suggested that he would like to send his brother
there. He took tea with Mrs. Gates, wife of President Gates, discussed most
intelligently the courses, and asked if we could not introduce the study of
agriculture. The teachers he met seemed to be a great revelation.
"I expected to find these missionaries as they are pictured in the Berlin
newspapers," he said, "with long hair and hanging jaws, and hands clasped
constantly in a prayerful attitude. But here is Dr. Gates, talking Turkish like
a native and acting like a man of the world. I am more than pleased, and thank
you for bringing me."
We all saw Enver that afternoon in his most delightful aspect. My idea that this
visit in itself would protect the colleges from disturbance proved to have been
a happy one. The Turkish Empire has been a tumultuous place in the last four
years, but the American colleges have had no difficulties, either with the
Turkish Government or with the Turkish populace.
This visit was only an agreeable interlude in events of the most exciting
character. Enver, amiable as he could be on occasion, had deliberately
determined to put Turkey in the war on Germany's side. Germany had now reached
the point where she no longer concealed her intentions. Once before, when I had
interfered in the interest of peace, Wangenheim had encouraged my action. The
reason, as I have indicated, was that, at that time, Germany had wished Turkey
to keep out of the war, for the German General Staff expected to win without her
help. But now Wangenheim wanted Turkey in. As I was not working in Germany's
interest, but as I was anxious to protect American institutions, I still kept
urging Enver and Talaat to keep out. This made Wangenheim. angry. "I thought
that you were a neutral?" he now exclaimed.
"I thought that you were---in Turkey," I answered.
Toward the end of October, Wangenheim. was leaving nothing undone to start
hostilities; all he needed now was a favourable occasion.
Even after Germany had closed the Dardanelles, the German Ambassador's task was
not an easy one. Talaat was not yet entirely convinced that his best policy was
war, and, as I have already said, there was still plenty of pro-Ally sympathy in
official quarters. It was Talaat's plan not to seize all the cabinet offices at
once, but gradually to elbow his way into undisputed control. At this crisis the
most popularly respected members of the Ministry were Djavid, Minister of
Finance, a man who was Jewish by race, but a Mohammedan by religion; Mahmoud
Pasha, Minister of Public Works, a Circassian; Bustány Effendi, Minister of
Commerce and Agriculture, a Christian Arab; and Oskan Effendi, Minister of Posts
and Telegraphs, an Armenian---and a Christian, of course. All these leaders, as
well as the Grand Vizier, openly opposed war and all now informed Talaat and
Enver that they would resign if Germany succeeded in her intrigues. Thus the
atmosphere was exciting; how tense the situation was a single episode will show.
Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, had accepted an invitation to dine at
the American Embassy on October 20th, but he sent word at the last moment that
he was ill and could not come. I called on the Ambassador an hour or two
afterward and found him in his garden, apparently in the best of health. Sir
Louis smiled and said that his illness had been purely political. He had
received a letter telling him that he was to be assassinated that evening, this
letter informing him of the precise spot where the tragedy was to take place,
and the time. He therefore thought that he had better stay indoors. As I had no
doubt that some such crime had been planned, I offered Sir Louis the protection
of our Embassy. I gave him the key to the back gate of the garden; and, with
Lord Wellesley, one of his secretaries---a descendant of the Duke of
Wellington---I made all arrangements for his escape to our quarters in case a
flight became necessary. Our two embassies were so located that, in the event of
an attack, he might go unobserved from the back gate of his to the back gate of
ours. "These people are relapsing into the Middle Ages," said Sir Louis, "when
it was quite the thing to throw ambassadors into dungeons,", and I think that he
anticipated that the present Turks might treat him in the same way. I at once
went to the Grand Vizier and informed him of the situation, insisting that
nothing less than a visit from Talaat to Sir Louis, assuring him of his safety,
would undo the harm already done. I could make this demand with propriety, as we
had already made arrangements to take over British interests when the break
came. Within two hours Talaat made such a visit. Though one of the Turkish
newspapers was printing scurrilous attacks on Sir Louis he was personally very
popular with the Turks, and the Grand Vizier expressed his amazement and
regret---and he was entirely sincere--- that such threats had been made.
Continue >
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TABLE OF CONTENTS  Introduction
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Chapter IX
Chapter X
Chapter XI
Chapter XII
Chapter XIII
Chapter XIV
Chapter XV
Chapter XVI
Chapter XVII
Chapter XVIII
Chapter XIX
Chapter XX
Chapter XXI
Chapter XXII
Chapter XXIII
Chapter XXIV
Chapter XXV
Chapter XXVI
Chapter XXVII
Chapter XXVIII
Chapter XXIX
PLACE YOUR ORDER
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